692 results found
This episode illustrates the danger facing Indian foreign policy from domestic political developments, increasingly centered on religious conflict.
Professor Joseph Nye,Dean, John F Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University, who visited ORF recently, gave an e-mail Interview to Dr. Harinder Sekhon, Senior Fellow, on US foreign policy trends, especially in West Asia and the future of Indo-US relations.
India, through its foreign policy choices and its multi-alignment strategy, has built its reputational security in significant ways in the last decade
India is assuming the leadership of SCO and G20. While the two groupings have divergent goals, Delhi will need to ensure that the concerns of developing nations are not ignored. An assertive foreign policy that seeks to shape and steer conversations will help
The two most-important objectives of foreign policy is ‘security’ — both external and internal — and ‘economy’.
Through its actions in Ukraine, Russia has challenged the global order in fundamental ways and India’s foreign policy won’t be immune from its reverberations
We need a foreign policy approach that thinks beyond event management.
There is a need for a strong foreign policy, particularly with regard to the India's immediate neighbourhood, according to a former secretary in the Ministry of External Affairs.
जैसा कि भारत ने G20 की बागडोर संभाली है, समावेशिता और सहयोग �
A presidential visit underlines the continuing salience of Africa in India’s foreign policy matrix.
Both India and Russia need to start thinking strategically about the Central Asian region, not letting emotions guide their foreign policy decisions. This was the consensus reached at a conference organised recently in Delhi.
This brief offers a way to rethink the ongoing dispute between India and Bangladesh over the former’s plan to build a high dam on River Barak (known as Surma-Kushiyara and Meghna in Bangladesh) at Tipaimukh in the state of Manipur. It identifies the origins of different sources of water for Bangladesh’s Haor, the region that is widely feared to be under threat by India’s planned dam. The brief recommends the conduct of a comprehensive study
This paper argues that even when the India-Japan-Australia minilateral is inspired by a need to ensure their interests against the current global power transition, it remains limited in its aim: to restrain China from achieving regional hegemony as it may threaten the liberal security order in the region. In the face of China’s rise and the US’ retrenchment, Asia’s regional powers are hedging their bets on a regional security order that is
Although Muizzu is signalling a return to normalcy in the Maldives-India equation, his larger goal of reducing his country’s reliance on India still
India's urgent requirements for hydrocarbons seem to be prompting it to look for proverbial strange bedfellows. Shrugging off the ideological baggage of the Cold War era and the Nehruvian idealism, India is all set to pursue a realistic foreign policy.
भारत और ताइवान (India and Taiwan) के बीच उभरते हुए रिश्ते चीन (China) के ल�
The strong reactions to the non-inclusion of American firms in a major Indian military procurement tender, in the backdrop of proposed aggressive weapons sales by the Americans, paint a contrasting picture that could influence India-US defence relations in the near future. This Paper looks at the entire gambit of Indo-US Defence relations and, based on past experiences and ongoing deliberations, the challenges ahead.
The Trump administration’s withdrawal from the Iran Nuclear Deal, its imposition of Iran oil sanctions, its withdrawal from the Paris Climate Accord
From all accounts, the two-day visit of Prime Minister Narendra Modi to Nepal on August 2-3 was a success. It was also a demonstration of the BJP-led government's neighbourhood policy which seems to be at the core of country's foreign policy.
In its efforts to be the voice of the Global South, India has continued to push for an African Union seat at the G20 during its presidency
1990 के दशक से व्यापारिक संबंधों में बढ़ोतरी के साथ भारत-ईयू
यूएई और भारत सीईपीए मंच का अधिकतम लाभ उठाने के लिए, भारत औ�
भारत और संयुक्त अरब अमीरात का व्यापक आर्थिक भागीदारी समझ
An interview of ORF President to the Institut Montaigne on India’s foreign policy choices, in particular relations with China, Russia and the Europe
With the advent of globalisation and increased interconnectivity, it has become less difficult for offenders in India to escape to foreign jurisdictions and avoid prosecution in the country. The importance of extraditing fugitives and bringing them before Indian courts cannot be stressed enough. Apart from providing timely justice and grievance redressal, it also serves as a deterrent against potential fugitives. However, India’s success rate i
India is shedding its past diffidence in foreign policy matters and is making bold moves in crafting partnerships for a rules-based, democratic intern
The role of legitimacy in India’s approach to the doctrine of the ‘Responsibility to Protect’ (R2P) and Humanitarian Interventions (HIs) has not received as much attention as it is due. The following paper evaluates India’s evolving views on R2P and HIs through the prism of legitimacy. It also demonstrates why the outcome of an HI, whether through the medium of the R2P or otherwise, matters as much as motives. Most Indian debates about R2
Speculations are rife about India possibly inviting Australia for the next Malabar naval exercise—which COVID-19 has caused to be moved to 2021.[1] If true, this would represent a break from the past and signal a change in the Asian strategic environment. Over the past few years, India has consistently resisted including Australia in the exercise, despite the latter’s willingness. The only other time that Australia was included in the Malabar
The Western Indian Ocean Region (WIOR) is linked to India in several ways, yet it remains conspicuous in its absence from India’s foreign policy discourse. This lack of attention is now beginning to reverse as external players stake their geopolitical claims in the region. India has responded by reorienting its own nautical outlook towards WIOR and building friendly relationships with African countries that straddle the region. This bri
India’s decision to revoke Article 370 giving special status to Jammu & Kashmir has put Pakistan on the back foot, dealt New Delhi back into the Sou
Over the years, India’s foreign policy objectives overlooked the PIC narrative but that is changing in the post pandemic world order
The paper examines how the Nuclear Suppliers Group has evolved over the years and the role the Group defines for itself. It also attempts to provide a more nuanced understanding of the consequences of India's NSG-membership.
भारत ने नागोर्नो-काराबाख़ संघर्ष में खुल्लमखुल्ला ख़ुद �
The United Nations Security Council has emerged as the key arena and barometer for evaluating the promise and progress of accommodating new, rising powers in the international system. The case of India provides one of the best examples of a rising power coming to terms with its increased power, role and expectations of itself and of other powers, great and small, in negotiating its place in the reformed Council as a permanent member. This paper b
India’s renewed relationship with Uganda presents a test cast for Indian diplomacy
This paper explains Russian co-option of India into the Eastern Economic Forum (EEF) at a high level of participation in September 2019 and the range of agreements involved. It argues that the co-option was the result of Russian President Vladimir Putin’s dissatisfaction with the economic outcomes so far for the Russian Far East of “northeast Asian regional cooperation.” Moscow related this behaviour to skewed priorities of East Asia’s �
India and the US are poised to expand agricultural cooperation with the hope of bringing about a "Second Green Revolution" in India. Cooperation in this area would, however, need to take into account the interests of Indian farmers as well as issues related to bio-diversity and the environment.
China has been aggressively promoting its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) through massive investments in participating countries, as a means to further its strategic, economic and political goals. Such a strategy bears striking similarities to its policies in the Xinjiang province. This paper attempts a comparative study between Xinjiang and BRI countries in South and Central Asia to highlight the issues these states will likely face in the coming
Iran views its BRICS membership as a foreign policy success, however, whether this move will translate into long-term benefits remains to be seen
The invasion and occupation of Iraq in March-April 2003 by a 'Coalition of the Willing' led by the United States was the second part of the response to the outrage conducted by a non-state actor on September 11, 2001. This was perceived in Washington as a gift from history, an opportunity to reshape a region of crucial relevance to the politics and economics of the western world. The impulse for drastic action was greater because notwithstanding
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh's trip to America will show if there is any political energy left in the UPA government for purposeful international engagement. If the answer is in the negative, the rest of the world will simply wait for stronger leadership to re-emerge in Delhi. India might pay a price for the wasted moments, but the ruling party may not much care, having grown rather comfortable with a do-nothing foreign policy.
The Taliban today undoubtedly has a stronger hold over how the US militarily plans to withdraw from the conflict in Afghanistan. This raises questions about the continuing challenges to security in South Asia—in particular, the influence of IS Khorasan (IS-K), the group’s Afghanistan avatar, and its rise both as an ISIS-aligned entity and a big-tent brand for various jihadist groups in the country. As the ‘Khorasan’ project of ISIS gets m
With Türkiye adopting a more pragmatic approach to its foreign policy, can India and Türkiye hope to repair frayed ties?
While the world is hopeful of a firm foreign policy in the Modi era, the Chinese dilemma lurks in a big way. Modi should devise ways of taking China in its stride on a workable, if not friendly, basis to make the best of the Look East Policy and to put itself on a sound footing for the Asian century.
S Jaishankar visit to Moscow ऐसे में सवाल उठता है कि क्या वाकई भारतीय विदेश मंत्री की इस यात्रा में जंग खत्म करने की पहल हो सकती है. अमेरिका व पश्चिमी देश भारत से इस तरह की उम्मीद क्यों कर �
Southeast Asia has been one of the key components of Japan's foreign policy in the post-Cold War period. It is one region where Japan's diplomacy has accomplished considerable success in coming to terms with the challenges posed by the legacies of the Second World War. Successive Japanese governments since 1952 have always maintained that the stability and security of ASEAN countries are closely tied to Japan's security and prosperity.
From the beginning of the 21st century, India's foreign policy got a strategic orientation. Until then, it lacked coherence due to the absence of an overall plan or document stating the foreign policy objectives, says Professor Takenori Horimoto of The Open University of Japan.
